Authors

Daniil Zhaivoronok¹;  ¹ Tampere University, Finland

Discussion

Researchers of Russian feminism agree that online media have played a crucial role in the development of feminist activism (Perheentupa, 2022; Rossman, 2021). Amidst the growing conservative shift and restrictions on political activities, digital media have become a vital arena for the formation of oppositional counter-publics, including feminism (Ratilainen & Zhaivoronok, 2024). Different feminist actors have developed various approaches to interacting with the media. This paper analyses three configurations of media and politics in Russian feminist activism, summarising three case studies from the FEMCORUS project.

The first configuration is “post-truth feminism”: feminists view media competition as the political struggle per se. The primary goal of political action becomes not a specific demand, but attracting maximum attention from the media and mediated audiences. Consequently, the importance of normative categories such as “truth,” and “objectivity” is entirely denied. Media are seen as an ontological expression of power capable of altering reality through information manipulation. This configuration is exemplified by the so-called “Photoshop Feminism” protest action organised by a group of feminists in Moscow in 2017 (Kostyuchenko, 2017).

The second configuration is “informational resistance.” This configuration is examined through the example of the Feminist Anti-War Resistance (FAR), an international network of feminists established after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The analysis is based on 21 interviews with FAR activists. In this configuration, media are seen as a tool in political struggle. FAR activists view their media activities as “informational resistance” to the Russian propaganda. Simultaneously, some participants emphasised that in informational resistance, not only visibility but also “invisible” forms of communication, such as private communication, are important.

Finally, the third configuration is “post-post-feminist media” (Gill, 2016). This configuration is examined through the example of the (pro-)feminist lifestyle online magazine Wonderzine, launched in 2013. The article is based on an analysis of the magazine’s publications and four interviews with journalists and editors collaborating with the magazine. In this configuration, the relationship between feminist politics and media is characterised by constant ambivalence. On the one hand, media help to disseminate the feminist agenda and make it more accessible to a broader audience. On the other hand, feminism transforms from a political formation into a lifestyle option, thus becoming depoliticised. However, considering Wonderzine within the broader environment of counter-public feminist media, it can be argued that the magazine has become an important platform for voicing the perspectives of the more politicised segment of the Russian feminist community.