Friday, 5 April 2024 to Sunday, 7 April 2024

Red Bishops, Orthodox Commissars? A mixed-methods case-study of the causal factors determining the relationship between the Communist Party and the Orthodox Church, in post-Soviet Russia.

Sat6 Apr11:45am(15 mins)
Where:
Selwyn Old Library Room 2&3
Presenter:

Authors

George Hajipavli11 University of Oxford, UK

Discussion

The paper constitutes the first academic study, in the English language, of the paradoxical relationship between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Russian Orthodox Church, in post-Soviet Russia. To uncover the causal factors underpinning this highly unorthodox relationship, the paper relies on original quantitative and qualitative data. To explore the ‘supply’ dimension of the criticality of agency as exhibited by party leader, G. A. Zyuganov, and his core allies, the study relies on interviews with a considerable range of stakeholders. This includes party insiders dissenting and concurring with Zyuganov’s affinity toward the Orthodox Church, such as former member of the CPRF Presidium and the State Duma, V. F. Rashkin; Zyuganov’s core advisor in the 1990s and current Kremlin ally, A. I. Podberezkin; CPRF founding member and major party donor, and former Soviet minister, V. M. Vidmanov, and the leading member of the fringe far-left group, ‘Levyi Front’, which has been forced to coalesce with the CPRF. Additional insight is drawn from interviews with ROC clergymen and lobbyists, like O. V. Efimov, and Russian experts on the topic, such as R. N. Lunkin. To explore the congruence of voter preferences with Zyuganov’s approach, this research relies on a four-stage stratified, nationally representative social survey of the Russian population (n=1660), executed by the Levada Centre for this study. It finds that the relationship was rendered plausible, against odds and despite initial and current acute resistance, due to the combination of Zyuganov’s adept agency and three named structural conditions. Firstly, electorally, Zyuganov recognised the existence of and instrumentalised a core mass of Communist voters, who are amenable to his position. Secondly, Zyuganov benefited from the left-wing tradition of ‘democratic centralism’ to secure his position once initial intra-party opposition was overcome. Thirdly, Zyuganov’s agency interacted with ‘centripetal’ and ‘centrifugal’ dynamics, evident in both the democratic and electoral authoritarian periods of Russian politics, that modified his agency's effectiveness. In terms of implications, the paper identifies the 'top-down' (elite) and 'bottom-up' (electoral) dynamics of the factions vying for CPRF's leadership. It shares insight on how the regime engages with and is influenced by these divisions, which are revealing of the regime's strategy and capacity. From a comparative perspective, the paper demonstrates the applicability of conventional structural conditions pertinent to party behaviour in both democratic and authoritarian Russia. It concludes with interesting preliminary insight on the embeddedness of national and Orthodox identity for the majority of the Russian electorate, which reinforces the regime’s (and Zyuganov's) position. It offers a refreshing account of non-state actor interaction, which is revealing of Russian politics & society.

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